Senin, 28 Desember 2009

technik pengajaran

TEKNIK PENGAJARAN MEMBACA CEPAT DAN KRITIS DENGAN METODE SQ3R
Friday, June 5th, 2009
Membaca adalah kegiatan atau suatu aktivitas yang rumit atau kompleks, karena bergantung pada keterampilan berbahasa pelajar, dan pada tingkat penalarannya (Sri Utari Subyakto Nababan, 1993: 164).
Di sisi lain, Suyatmi berpendapat bahwa membaca merupakan sekedar kegiatan yang menyuarakan lambang-lambang tertulis saja tanpa mempersoalkan apakah kalimat atau kata-kata yang dilisankan itu dipahami atau tidak (2000: 4).
Sejalan dengan dua pengertian di atas Yasir Burhan dalam Suyatmi membaca adalah arti sesungguhnya ialah perbuatan yang dilaksanakan berdasarkan kerjasama atas beberapa keterampilan, yaitu mengamati, memahami, dan memikirkan (Suyatmi, 2000: 5).
Berpijak dari pengertian di atas, dapat disimpulkan bahwa membaca merupakan aktivitas untuk memahami ide atau gagasan yang tersurat maupun tersirat di dalam suatu bacaan yang melibatkan kerjasama beberapa komponen keterampilan berbahasa.
Membaca cepat adalah keterampilan membaca sekilas dengan mengkondisikan otak bekerja lebih cepat sehingga konsentrasi akan lebih membaik secara otomatis (Hernowo (Ed.), 2003). Dalam hal ini kita dituntut untuk memusatkan konsentrasi kita dalam proses membaca guna mengefisiensikan waktu yang kita miliki dan juga energi yang kita keluarkan juga akan relatif lebih banyak. Sedangkan pernyataan yang kedua menyebutkan bahwa membaca cepat adalah perpaduan kemampuan motorik (gerakan mata) atau kemampuan visual dengan kemampuan kognitif seseorang dalam membaca. Membaca cepat merupakan perpaduan antara kecepatan membaca dengan pemahaman isi bacaan.
Kecepatan membaca seseorang harus seiring dengan kecepatan memahami bahan bacaan yang telah dibaca (Imron Rosidi, 2007). Dan pernyataan terakhir menyinggung keterampilan membaca cepat yang menyebutkan bahwa kemampuan membaca cepat merupakan keterampilan memilih isi bacaan yang harus dibaca sesuai dengan tujuan, yang ada relevansinya dengan pembaca tanpa membuang-buang waktu untuk menekuni bagian-bagian lain yang tidak diperlukan (Soedarso, 2001). Sehingga dapat disimpulkan bahwa dalam membaca cepat diperlukan konsentrasi yang lebih ketika membaca dam juga diperlukan perpaduan kemampuan motorik dengan kemampuan kognitif serta diperlukan waktu yang relatif singkat guna memperoleh informasi yang ada dalam bacaan baik yang tersirat maupun tersurat.
Hal – hal terssebut di atas merupakan sejumlah pengertian yang pada akhirnya merujuk kepada pengertian membaca cepat. Kemampuan membaca cepat seseorang pada dasarnya memiliki hubungan terhadap kemampuan mengkritisi sebuah tulisan. Namun, perlu kita ketahui bahwa kemampuan mengkritisi sebuah tulisan tidak lepas dari latar belakang pendidikan maupun pengalaman seseorang dan ini berarti hal terkait membaca cepat atau kritis berkaitan dengan pendidikan, khususnya pendidikan bahasa. dalam pengajarannya, selain memelukan tulisan sebagai media dan bahan ajar tentunya juga memerlukan teknik atau metode yang tepat daalam pelaksanaannya.
Sistem membaca SQ3R dikemukakan oleh Francis P. Robinson pada tahun 1941. SQ3R merupakan proses membaca yang terdiri dari lima langkah, yaitu
1. SURVEI
Survei atau prabaca adalah teknik mengenal bahan sebelum membacanya secara lengkap. Tujuan srvei adalah
a. mempercepat menangkap arti
b. mendapatkan abastrak
c. mengetahui ide-ide penting
d. melihan susunan (organisasi) bahan bacaan.
e. Mendapatkan minat perhatian yang seksama terhadap bacaan.
f. Memudahkan mengingat lebih banyak dan memahami lebih mudah.
2. QUESTION
Pada langkah ini kita mengajukan pertanyaan sebanyak-banyaknya tentang isi bacaan.
3. READ
Perlu disadari bahwa membaca merupakan langkah ketiga, bukan langkah pertama.
4. RECITE/RECALL
Pada tahap ini Anda dapat membuat catatan seperlunya
5. REVIEW
Pada tahal ini Anda mencoba mengingat kembali dengan membaca ulang bacaan yang Anda baca.
DAFTAR PUSTAKA
Faiz Manshur. Efektifitas Menulis Resensi Buku. 2006. Diakses dari http://faizmanshur.wordpress.com/2006/06/04/efektif-menulis-resensi-buku/ 02-03-2009 jam 09.45 WIB.
Hernowo (Ed). 2003. Quantum Reading. Bandung: MLC
Imron Rosidi. 2007. Berlatih Membaca Cepat. Makalah disajikan dalam Pelatihan Membaca Cepat di Pondok Sidogiri, Pasuruan. 16 Maret 2007
Soedarso. 2001. Speed Reading; Sistem Membaca Cepat dan Efektif. Jakarta: PT Gramedia.
Sri Utari Subyakto Nababan. 1993. Metodologi Pengajaran Bahasa. Jakarta: Gramedia.
Suyatmi. 2000. Membaca I. Surakarta: UNS Press.
Suyitno dan Purwadi. 2000. Dasar-Dasar Komposisi. Surakarta: UNS Press.
Tags: membaca, membaca cepay, membaca kritis, pengajaran, pengajaran membaca, SQ3R
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An Approach to the Lingua
Franca of the Mediterranean
Eva Martínez Díaz. Department of Hispanic Philology, Universitat de Barcelona
There are certain languages that have been
created as a result of the diffculty of commu-
nication between people who speak distinct
languages but have common interests. Faced
with this linguistic situation, the speakers are
capable of creating a specifc language for these
contexts in which there is a community of in-
terests; this common communication system is
known as the lingua franca. The aim of these
pages is to analyse the lingua franca created
on the shores of the Mediterranean Sea from
the 15th century until the late 19th century.
There is no intention to describe its linguistic
system but to defne what exactly must be un-
derstood by the lingua franca of the Mediter-
ranean. For this it will be necessary to delimit
this concept with others closely related and to
present, in general terms, the social, political
and military factors that helped the birth of
a common communication system throughout
the Mediterranean basin.
Towards the end of 1951, the lingua franca
was defned as what was normally used by
speakers of different mother tongues in order
to be able to establish communication between
them (UNESCO, 1972: 689). When using a lin-
gua franca, the speakers of different linguistic
systems pursue one objective or a variety of
ends: trade, political, military, cultural, admin-
istrative or religious relations. These ends are
those that justify some of the synonymous, or
almost synonymous, terms of the lingua franca
that form part of the bibliography of the sub-
ject: trade language, contact language or in-
ternational language. All these terms have the
common denominator of forming a language
created by the need to bring different linguistic
communities together.
However, to better understand what a lingua
franca is we must fnish defning it in relation to
other terms with which it tends to be confused:
koine, pidgin and jargon. A koine and a lingua
franca are linguistic systems shared by speak-
ers of different vernacular languages. However,
koine can be identifed with one of these ver-
nacular languages or with any of the varieties
of the same language. Moreover, pidgin is an
interlinguistic variety – a mixed language
– which is not acquired as the mother tongue
by any social group (Silva-Corvalán, 1989: 190).
When pidgin is established linguistically and
socially – the process of “pidginisation” –, ex-
panding its vocabulary and making its system
more complex, it can give way to what is known
as a Creole language, which is acquired as the
mother tongue and usually establishes itself as
the national language. According to Samarin
(1972), a lingua franca is a pidgin language,
a hybrid or mixed language. In addition, jar-
gon, just like koine and pidgin, is a variety of
common language which is only used by deter-
mined groups or social communities.
Specifcally, the lingua franca which is the
object of this study was born at the end of the
Middle Ages with the political and, above all,
economic expansion of the main maritime cit-
ies of the Mediterranean, which would leave
so many marks throughout their area of infu-
ence. A language of international communica-
tion was constructed, which developed a more
Quaderns9.indd 27/03/2008, 16:55 223224 An Approach to the Lingua Franca of the Mediterranean Quaderns de la Medi terrània 225
or less uniform lexicon. It seems that the base
of this lingua was confgured fundamentally
by the presence of the Romance languages
but also by Arabic, vulgar Greek and Turkish,
all languages that contributed not only to the
lexicon or the morphosyntax but also to the
phonetics.
From the 10th century, indigenous inhabit-
ants from different points of the Christian West
established political and trade relations on the
coasts of the eastern Mediterranean. Because
of this colonising expansion, a series of Latin
states was constituted governed by western no-
bles and sovereigns. With this situation it was
to be expected that the mark left by westerners
would not only be military and political, but
also linguistic and cultural. Soldiers, sailors
and merchants constituted quite compact
ethnic groups that even settled their own
neighbourhoods. The infux of emigrants to
these eastern lands continued for centuries and
each group was able to maintain its Romance
language of origin. This was the perfect space
for the coexistence of several Romance and
non-Romance languages; a space of colingual-
ism was produced. Both the presence of mixed
marriages and the need for communication be-
tween speakers of distinct vernacular languages
brought about the existence of multilingual
speakers, whether through the learning of the
mother tongues by the colonising population or
by the learning of the language of the colonis-
ers by the native population. Simultaneously,
the need for communication between the speak-
ers of different languages also gave rise to the
presence of interpreters.
In this social and geographical framework
of the 15th, 16th, 17th and 18th centuries a
paralanguage was developed, a language of
linguistic exchange created from the strong
Venetian presence in navigation and trade of
the East. This would be a vehicular language
created by non-natives, derived from the Ro-
mance language adapting it to the needs of
communication (Metzeltin: 11). Simultane-
ously, a paralanguage of similar features was
developed in other territories of the Mediterra-
nean, varying its characterisation according to
the Romance languages that came together in
each place. This paralanguage, also known by
the name of lingua franca, was born out of the
mix between one or several Romance languages
and any eastern or Levantine language. It was
used for some communicative situations and
was well understood and spoken by people of a
certain cultural level and certain social ambits:
commercial, administrative or maritime.
On the threshold of the 16th century,
following political and social events,
the lingua franca of the Mediterranean
gradually acquired a Spanish linguistic
base
This lingua franca from the 15th century
until the 19th century was the product of a
pidgin language, the result of which was that
none of the groups that used it felt the need
to learn the other’s language and, therefore,
resorted to less complicated mechanisms; in
other words, they created a new language
from a mixture whose lexical and morphologi-
cal base – the base of pidgin – is the Romance
component, exactly the language of the most
powerful group in these relations and which
varies according to historical period. On the
threshold of the 16th century, following politi-
cal and social events, the lingua franca of the
Mediterranean gradually acquired a Spanish
linguistic base. Thus, it is necessary to recall the
historical events that brought about the contact
between Spanish and the other languages of
the Mediterranean. Algeria belonged to the
Almoravids and the Almohads from the 11th
century until the 13th century and, after be-
ing divided into independent tribal zones, its
coastal cities carried out piracy. To counter this
advance, the Spanish occupied Oran and other
Quaderns9.indd 27/03/2008, 16:55 224224 An Approach to the Lingua Franca of the Mediterranean Quaderns de la Medi terrània 225
cities in 1509. Faced with the affront of the at-
tempts by the Spanish to conquer Algiers, the
Algerians were protected and helped by the
Greek-Turkish corsairs; however, they fnally
occupied the city, and the whole country was
subjected to Ottoman authority.
The presence of the Spanish in the North
African baths of the kingdoms of Algiers,
Tunis and Salé was the perfect situation
for the formation and later development
of the lingua franca
On the linguistic situation of the city in the
second half of the 16th century, Fray Diego de
Haedo, in his Topographia e historia general de
Argel (1612), distinguishes fve linguistic com-
munities, formed by Turks, apostate Christians,
captive Christians, Jews and Moors. Among the
captive Christians were the Spanish, Portu-
guese, French and Italians. Each one of these
communities conserved the mother tongue used
so that the members of the same community
could communicate with each other. However,
it should not surprise us that they were able to
understand and speak the language of their
masters – after fve or ten years or more of
captivity. It was not only among the cap-
tured Christians that the learning of second
languages or the start of the creation of the
lingua franca took place. The presence of the
Spanish in the North African baths of the
kingdoms of Algiers, Tunis and Salé was also
the perfect situation for the formation and
later development of this lingua franca. For
example, in the baths of Fez, Tétouan, Vélez
de la Gomera, Algiers and Constantinople
speakers of many languages from numerous
and varied geographical areas met.
However, of the colingualism which
emerged between the fve communities in the
city of Algiers mentioned by Fray Diego, only
three languages stand out, those that became
common languages which allowed members
of distinct communities to communicate. First
is Turkish, spoken by the Turks, the apostate
Christians who had relations with them, the
Moors and by captive Christians. Second, and
together with this language, is the morisco lan-
guage, which was not only used by the moriscos
(Muslim converts to Christianity), but also by
the Turks and Christians who had contact with
them. And, lastly, comes the common language
of everyday relations between slaves and mas-
ters, captives and redeemers, merchants and
buyers, Muslims and Christians; this is the lin-
gua franca, which responds to the language and
Christian way of speaking. With this language,
communication with the Christians was easier,
given that it was a mixture of several Christian
languages, whose terms were mostly Italian
and Spanish, in addition to some Portuguese.
It should be added that the Lusitanian infu-
ence was because of the colonial policy that the
monarchy of Portugal applied to Morocco; for
this reason, the presence of a great number of
Portuguese in Tétouan and Fez persisted until
the defeat of King Sebastian in Alcazarquivir,
in a crusade against Morocco.
The use of this lingua franca was general due
to the constant presence of Christians. In this
way, even native children and women of North
Africa used it or, at least, could understand it
when spoken by Christians. Moreover, it should
be noted that learning could also be developed
in distant lands, as in the case of the Turks who
were captive in Spain, Italy or France, as well
as a large number of apostates and Jews who
were in Christian territory and could speak three
languages: Spanish, Italian and French. Captives
and travellers throughout the 17th and 18th
centuries testify that the designation of lingua
franca, of eastern origin, could have been taken
to Algiers by the Greek-Turkish corsairs when
they went to the aid of the Algerians and ended
up holding the hegemonic power.
Following the creolist Robert A. Hall (1966),
the alleged lingua franca of the 19th century
Quaderns9.indd 27/03/2008, 16:56 225226 An Approach to the Lingua Franca of the Mediterranean Quaderns de la Medi terrània 227
was a French pidgin. When France embarked
on the conquest and consequent colonisation of
Algeria in 1830, it was in the old pirate states of
Tripoli, Tunisia and Algeria where the lingua
franca widely used throughout the 19th century
was developed. In this way, the linguistic conse-
quence was quite clear: the lingua franca, until
that time based on Italian and Spanish, changed
its base, became Frenchifed, acquiring the de-
nomination of sabir. As a counterpoint to its
birth and evolution, we see that the decline of
this last Mediterranean lingua franca and its later
disappearance must be situated in the late 19th
century and early 20th. It is notable, for example,
that in Algeria the dissemination of French, ir-
regularly learned by the North Africans through
the French themselves, was a decisive factor for
the disappearance of the lingua franca spoken in
Algiers. The process was not so much a substitu-
tion of the lingua franca by an interlanguage,
French or Arabic, but that the Algerians stopped
learning the lingua franca because of the grow-
ing Frenchifying of the Arab community.
In short, the lingua franca of the Mediter-
ranean was born out of the linguistic levelling
of the different languages that coexisted in
the Mediterranean basin. This lingua franca
was the result of a pidgin whose formation,
simplifcation and evolution was due to the
situation of constant interference to which it
was subjected throughout its ongoing creation,
as well as to its limited dominions and its in-
terlinguistic contacts. In this way, we discover
a Mediterranean linked not only by the same
waters, but also by a single language: further
proof of the different twinning established in
the course of the life of Mare Nostrum.
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